Reducing Alcohol Use to Prevent Cancer Deaths: Estimated Effects Among U.S. Adults.

INTRODUCTION: The Dietary Guidelines for Americans, 2020-2025 recommends non-drinking or no more than 2 drinks for men or 1 drink for women in a day. However, even at lower levels, alcohol use increases the risk for certain cancers. This study estimated mean annual alcohol-attributable cancer deaths and the number of cancer deaths that could potentially be prevented if all U.S. adults who drank in excess of the Dietary Guidelines had instead consumed alcohol to correspond with typical consumption of those who drink within the recommended limits. METHODS: Among U.S. residents aged ≥20 years, mean annual alcohol-attributable cancer deaths during 2020-2021 that could have been prevented with hypothetical reductions in alcohol use were estimated. Mean daily alcohol consumption prevalence estimates from the 2020-2021 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, adjusted to per capita alcohol sales to address underreporting of drinking, were applied to relative risks to calculate population-attributable fractions for cancers that can occur from drinking alcohol. Analyses were conducted during February-April 2023. RESULTS: In the U.S., an estimated 20,216 cancer deaths were alcohol-attributable/year during 2020-2021 (men: 14,562 [72.0%]; women: 5,654 [28.0%]). Approximately 16,800 deaths (83% of alcohol-attributable cancer deaths, 2.8% of all cancer deaths) could have been prevented/year if adults who drank alcohol in excess of the Dietary Guidelines had instead reduced their consumption to ≤2 drinks/day for men or ≤1 drink/day for women. Approximately 650 additional deaths could have been prevented annually if men consumed 1 drink/day, instead of 2. CONCLUSIONS: Implementing evidence-based alcohol policies (e.g., increasing alcohol taxes, regulating alcohol outlet density) to decrease drinking could reduce alcohol-attributable cancers, complementing clinical interventions.

The public-private decision for alcohol retail systems: Examining the economic, health, and social impacts of alternative systems in Finland.

Background: Organising alcohol retail systems with more or less public ownership has implications for health and the economy. The aim of the present study was to estimate the economic, health, and social impacts of alcohol use in Finland in 2018 (baseline), and in two alternative scenarios in which current partial public ownership of alcohol retail sales is either increased or fully privatised. Methods: Baseline alcohol-attributable harms and costs were estimated across five categories of death, disability, and criminal justice. Two alternate alcohol retail systems were defined as privately owned stores selling: (1) only low strength alcoholic beverages (public ownership scenario, similar to Sweden); or (2) all beverages (private ownership scenario). Policy analyses were conducted to estimate changes in alcohol use per capita. Health and economic impacts were modelled using administrative data and epidemiological modelling. Results: In Finland in 2018, alcohol use was estimated to be responsible for €1.51 billion (95% Uncertainty Estimates: €1.43 billion, €1.58 billion) in social cost, 3,846 deaths, and 270,652 criminal justice events. In the public ownership scenario, it was estimated that alcohol use would decline by 15.8% (11.8%, 19.7%) and social cost by €384.3 million (€189.5 million, €559.2 million). Full privatisation was associated with an increase in alcohol use of 9.0% (6.2%, 11.8%) and an increase in social cost of €289.7 million (€140.8 million, €439.5 million). Conclusion: The outcome from applying a novel analytical approach suggests that more public ownership of the alcohol retail system may lead to significant decreases in alcohol-caused death, disability, crime, and social costs. Conversely, full privatisation of the ownership model would lead to increased harm and costs.

Associations Between COVID-19 Alcohol Policy Restrictions and Alcohol Sales in British Columbia: Variation by Area-Based Deprivation Level.

OBJECTIVE: Government alcohol sales data were used to investigate associations between estimates of per capita age 15+ alcohol consumption, policy restrictiveness, and area-level deprivation. METHOD: We analyzed weekly consumption data (expressed as per capita age 15+ Canadian standard drinks [13.45 g of pure ethanol]) collected from all 89 local health areas in British Columbia, Canada, between April 2017 and April 2021. Our analyses were stratified by outlet type (total, on-premise, and off-premise). Our intervention was alcohol policy restrictiveness (operationalized by the Restrictiveness of Alcohol Policy Index), and our moderator was area-level deprivation (Canadian Index of Multiple Deprivation). The Restrictiveness of Alcohol Policy Index included hours of trading, the number of people permitted on site for on-premise venues, the proportion of outlets in operation, and the extent of permissible home delivery. RESULTS: Higher policy restrictiveness was associated with decreased consumption across all outlet types (ps < .001): when the most restrictive policies were implemented, consumption was reduced by 9% and 100% in off- and on-premise outlets, respectively. Area-based deprivation level modified the effect of policy restriction on per capita alcohol consumption (ps < .007): for total and off-premise consumption, the decrease was greatest among more economically deprived areas (ps < .001); for on-premise outlets, areas with a high proportion of racial and ethnic minorities increased their consumption (ps < .001). CONCLUSIONS: Alcohol-specific policy restrictions implemented in response to the COVID-19 pandemic were associated with reduced consumption. However, the magnitude and direction of change was moderated by area-based deprivation level, albeit inconsistently across various deprivation measures.

Gender and sexual identity and harms from others' drinking among U.S. college students: Results from a multi-campus survey.

BACKGROUND: College is a critical life stage for alcohol-related harms to others (AHTOs), gender, and sexual identity. We tested associations between inclusively-defined gender and sexual identities (separately) and AHTOs among college students. METHODS: The Healthy Minds Study (n = 8,308) provided data about three AHTOs: (1) babysitting a drunk student, (2) alcohol-related unwanted sexual advance, and (3) alcohol-related sexual assault. Independent variables included gender and sexual identity. RESULTS: One in four students (25.5%) reported babysitting, 6.2% reported unwanted advances, and 1.2% reported sexual assaults. Compared to cisgender males, cisgender females had higher odds of reporting babysitting (aOR = 1.36, p < 0.001) and unwanted advances (aOR = 2.59, p < 0.001); trans masculine students had higher odds of reporting sexual assaults (aOR = 4.49, p = 0.04). CONCLUSIONS: AHTOs are prevalent on college campuses, and cisgender female and trans masculine students have higher odds of experiencing them. Alcohol interventions may protect cisgender female and gender minority students from the drinkers around them.

Rating the comparative efficacy of state-level cannabis policies on recreational cannabis markets in the United States.

BACKGROUND: Cannabis policy is developing faster than empirical evidence about policy effects. With a panel of experts in substance use policy development and research, we identified key cannabis policies and their provisions enacted by U.S. states; rated their theoretical efficacy in a restrictive form for reducing problematic use and impaired driving in the context of a recreational cannabis market as judged by experts; and rated the strength of evidence for each policy. METHODS: Using a modified Delphi approach, 9 panelists rated the comparative efficacy of 18 state cannabis policies for reducing youth use of cannabis, excessive cannabis use among the general population, and cannabis-impaired driving. Each outcome was rated separately using a Likert scale, and panelists also rated the strength of evidence supporting each efficacy rating. Investigators provided descriptions of each policy so that the nine panelists had similar conceptions of each policy. RESULTS: State monopoly (state owns all production, manufacturing, wholesale, and retail operations) was rated as the most effective policy for all three outcome areas. Restrictions on retail physical availability, taxes, retail price restrictions, and retail operations restrictions were also highly rated for all three outcomes. Policies regulating cannabis businesses and products were judged more effective than policies targeting consumer use and behavior. Panelists reported there was little or no direct evidence from the cannabis policy literature for most of the included policies. CONCLUSION: These ratings can facilitate research as well as policy-making decisions. A relatively small number of policies were judged to be highly effective across all three domains, indicating that for the most part adult excessive use, youth use, and impaired driving can all be reduced with the same set of policies; these policies tended to target the behaviors of businesses rather than consumers. The low levels of direct evidence available to inform policy ratings, as reported by the policy panelists, makes clear the need for ongoing and sustained cannabis policy research.

The burden of alcohol on health care during COVID-19.

Alcohol's impact on global health is substantial and of a similar order of magnitude to that from COVID-19. Alcohol now also poses specific concerns, such as increased risk of severe lung infections, domestic violence, child abuse, depression and suicide. Its use is unlikely to aid physical distancing or other preventative behavioural measures. Globally, alcohol contributes to 20% of injury and 11.5% of non-injury emergency room presentations. We provide some broad comparisons between alcohol-attributable and COVID-19-related hospitalisations and deaths in North America using most recent data. For example, for Canada in 2017 it was recently estimated there were 105 065 alcohol-attributable hospitalisations which represent a substantially higher rate over time than the 10 521 COVID-19 hospitalisations reported during the first 5 months of the pandemic. Despite the current importance of protecting health-care services, most governments have deemed alcohol sales to be as essential as food, fuel and pharmaceuticals. In many countries, alcohol is now more readily available and affordable than ever before, a situation global alcohol producers benefit from and have helped engineer. We argue that to protect frontline health-care services and public health more generally, it is essential that modest, evidence-based restrictions on alcohol prices, availability and marketing are introduced. In particular, we recommend increases in excise taxation coupled with minimum unit pricing to both reduce impacts on health-care services and provide much-needed revenues for governments at this critical time.

The Rise and Fall of Alcohol Excise Taxes in U.S. States, 1933-2018.

OBJECTIVE: Higher alcohol taxation is protective against alcohol-related morbidity and mortality. All states have specific (volume-based) excise taxes for alcohol that decrease if not adjusted for inflation. These taxes have diminished substantially in real terms since their inception after National Prohibition in the United States. The purpose of this study was to examine trends in the magnitude and frequency of changes in state specific excise taxes to document their erosion. METHOD: Alcohol excise tax data were examined for all 50 states from 1933 to 2018. Tax data were obtained from the Alcohol Policy Information System, Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation, Wine Institute, and HeinOnline. Linear and logistic regression analyses were conducted for beer, wine, and distilled spirits taxes to examine trends in the frequency and inflation-adjusted magnitude of changes in taxes from the year of alcohol tax inception. RESULTS: From 1933 until 1970, beer, wine, and distilled spirits tax rates increased in value compared with inception rates, but by 2018 alcohol taxes had declined 66%, 71%, and 70%, respectively, compared with their inception values. The erosion of taxes after 1970 was driven primarily by declines in the magnitude of tax increases through the 1970s and 1980s, followed by declines in the frequency of tax increases in subsequent decades. CONCLUSIONS: The value of alcohol excise taxes has declined since 1970 from both insufficient tax increases and later infrequent tax increases. Laws that index rates to inflation could sustain the public health benefit of reduced morbidity and mortality resulting from higher alcohol tax rates.

The Composition and Magnitude of Alcohol Taxes in States: Do They Cover Alcohol-Related Costs?

OBJECTIVE: At least one type of tax is applied to the sale of alcoholic beverages in all U.S. states. The purpose of this study was to characterize the composition and magnitude of alcohol taxes in states and to assess the relationship between total alcohol taxes (federal plus state) and the cost of excessive drinking. METHOD: The amount of tax (in dollars per standard drink) by state was estimated from data on state ad valorem excise, specific excise, and sales taxes in 2010 obtained from the Alcohol Policy Information System and Tax Foundation. These taxes were summed, and specific excise taxes were assessed as a proportion of total state taxes. Tax data on beer were analyzed for all 50 states. Tax data for wine and distilled spirits were restricted to the 32 license states and Washington, D.C., with fully privatized distribution systems. Total alcohol taxes for the 32 license states were compared on a per-drink basis with published state estimates of the cost of excessive drinking in these states in 2010. RESULTS: Specific excise taxes accounted for a weighted median of 20.1% of total state alcohol tax revenue in the 32 license states and Washington, D.C. The median total alcohol tax per drink (based on all federal and state taxes) was $0.21, which accounted for 26.7% of the median cost to government and 10.3% of the median total economic cost of excessive drinking. CONCLUSIONS: Specific excise taxes account for one fifth of state alcohol taxes in the 32 license states; but even considering all tax types, total alcohol taxes account for only one tenth of alcohol-related costs.

Enhanced Enforcement of Laws to Reduce Alcohol Overservice Among Licensed Establishments in New Mexico, 2004-2008.

Limited information exists about the effectiveness of interventions to enforce laws prohibiting alcohol sales to intoxicated patrons in licensed establishments. New Mexico Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System data were used to evaluate an intervention on binge drinking intensity in licensed (eg, bars) versus unlicensed (eg, homes) locations. The proportion of binge drinkers in licensed locations who consumed 8 or more drinks on a binge drinking occasion decreased from 42.1% in 2004-2005 to 22.6% in 2007-2008 (adjusted odds ratio, 0.4; 95% confidence interval, 0.2-0.9), while the proportion in unlicensed locations was essentially unchanged. Enhanced enforcement of overservice laws may reduce excessive drinking in licensed establishments.

Annual Total Binge Drinks Consumed by U.S. Adults, 2015.

INTRODUCTION: Binge drinking (four or more drinks for women, five or more drinks for men on an occasion) accounts for more than half of the 88,000 U.S. deaths resulting from excessive drinking annually. Adult binge drinkers do so frequently and at high intensity; however, there are known disparities in binge drinking that are not well characterized by any single binge-drinking measure. A new measure of total annual binge drinks was used to assess these disparities at the state and national levels. METHODS: Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System 2015 data (analyzed in 2016) were used to estimate the prevalence, frequency, intensity, and total binge drinks among U.S. adults. Total annual binge drinks was calculated by multiplying annual binge-drinking episodes by binge-drinking intensity. RESULTS: In 2015, a total of 17.1% of U.S. adults (37.4 million) reported an annual average of 53.1 binge-drinking episodes per binge drinker, at an average intensity of 7.0 drinks per binge episode, resulting in 17.5 billion total binge drinks, or 467.0 binge drinks per binge drinker. Although binge drinking was more common among young adults (aged 18-34 years), half of the total binge drinks were consumed by adults aged ≥35 years. Total binge drinks per binge drinker were substantially higher among those with lower educational levels and household incomes than among those with higher educational levels and household incomes. CONCLUSIONS: U.S. adult binge drinkers consume about 17.5 billion total binge drinks annually, or about 470 binge drinks/binge drinker. Monitoring total binge drinks can help characterize disparities in binge drinking and help plan and evaluate effective prevention strategies.

Erosion of State Alcohol Excise Taxes in the United States.

OBJECTIVE: In the United States, excessive alcohol consumption is responsible for 88,000 deaths annually and cost $249 billion, or $2.05 per drink, in 2010. Specific excise taxes, the predominant form of alcohol taxation in the United States, are based on the volume of alcohol sold rather than a percentage of price and can thus degrade over time because of inflation. The objective of this study was to describe changes in inflation-adjusted state alcohol excise taxes on a beverage-specific basis. METHOD: State-level data on specific excise taxes were obtained from the Alcohol Policy Information System and the Tax Foundation. Excise tax rates were converted into the tax per standard U.S. drink (14 g of ethanol) for beer, wine, and distilled spirits, and converted into 2015 dollars using annual Consumer Price Index data. RESULTS: Across U.S. states, the average state alcohol excise tax per drink in 2015 was $0.03 for beer, $0.05 for distilled spirits, and $0.03 for wine. From 1991 to 2015, the average inflation-adjusted (in 2015 dollars) state alcohol excise tax rate declined 30% for beer, 32% for distilled spirits, and 27% for wine. Percentage declines in state excise taxes since their inception were more than twice as large as those from 1991 to 2015. CONCLUSIONS: In 2015, average state specific excise taxes were $0.05 or less per standard drink across all beverage types and have experienced substantial inflation-adjusted declines.

Who Would Pay for State Alcohol Tax Increases in the United States?

INTRODUCTION: Despite strong evidence that increasing alcohol taxes reduces alcohol-related harm, state alcohol taxes have declined in real terms during the past 3 decades. Opponents of tax increases argue that they are unfair to "responsible" drinkers and those who are financially disadvantaged. The objectives of this study were to assess the impact of hypothetical state alcohol tax increases on the cost of alcohol for adults in the United States on the basis of alcohol consumption and sociodemographic characteristics. METHODS: The increased net cost of alcohol (ie, product plus tax) from a series of hypothetical state alcohol tax increases was modeled for all 50 states using data from the 2011 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System, IMPACT Databank, and the Alcohol Policy Information System. Costs were assessed by drinking pattern (excessive vs nonexcessive) and by sociodemographic characteristics. RESULTS: Among states, excessive drinkers would pay 4.8 to 6.8 times as much as nonexcessive drinkers on a per capita basis and would pay at least 72% of aggregate costs. For nonexcessive drinkers, the annual cost from even the largest hypothetical tax increase ($0.25 per drink) would average less than $10.00. Drinkers with higher household incomes and non-Hispanic white drinkers would pay higher per capita costs than people with lower incomes and racial/ethnic minorities. CONCLUSION: State-specific tax increases would cost more for excessive drinkers, those with higher incomes, and non-Hispanic whites. Costs to nonexcessive drinkers would be modest. Findings are relevant to developing evidence-based public health practice for a leading preventable cause of death.

Alcohol: taking a population perspective.

Alcohol consumption is a global phenomenon, as is the resultant health, social and economic harm. The nature of these harms varies with different drinking patterns and with the societal and political responses to the burden of harm; nevertheless, alcohol-related chronic diseases have a major effect on health. Strong evidence exists for the effectiveness of different strategies to minimize this damage and those policies that target price, availability and marketing of alcohol come out best, whereas those using education and information are much less effective. However, these policies can be portrayed as anti-libertarian and so viewing them in the context of alcohol-related harm to those other than the drinker, such as the most vulnerable in society, is important. When this strategy is successful, as in Scotland, it has been possible to pass strong and effective legislation, such as for a minimum unit price for alcohol.

Alcohol Policies and Alcoholic Cirrhosis Mortality in the United States.

INTRODUCTION: Stronger alcohol policies predict decreased alcohol consumption and binge drinking in the United States. We examined the relationship between the strength of states' alcohol policies and alcoholic cirrhosis mortality rates. METHODS: We used the Alcohol Policy Scale (APS), a validated assessment of policies of the 50 US states and Washington DC, to quantify the efficacy and implementation of 29 policies. State APS scores (theoretical range, 0-100) for each year from 1999 through 2008 were compared with age-adjusted alcoholic cirrhosis death rates that occurred 3 years later. We used Poisson regression accounting for state-level clustering and adjusting for race/ethnicity, college education, insurance status, household income, religiosity, policing rates, and urbanization. RESULTS: Age-adjusted alcoholic cirrhosis mortality rates varied significantly across states; they were highest among males, among residents in states in the West census region, and in states with a high proportion of American Indians/Alaska Natives (AI/ANs). Higher APS scores were associated with lower mortality rates among females (adjusted incidence rate ratio [IRR], 0.91 per 10-point increase in APS score; 95% confidence interval [95% CI], 0.84-0.99) but not among males (adjusted IRR, 0.97; 95% CI, 0.90-1.04). Among non-AI/AN decedents, higher APS scores were also associated with lower alcoholic cirrhosis mortality rates among both sexes combined (adjusted IRR, 0.89; 95% CI, 0.82-0.97). Policies were more strongly associated with lower mortality rates among those living in the Northeast and West census regions than in other regions. CONCLUSIONS: Stronger alcohol policy environments are associated with lower alcoholic cirrhosis mortality rates. Future studies should identify underlying reasons for racial/ethnic and regional differences in this relationship.

The alcohol policy environment and policy subgroups as predictors of binge drinking measures among US adults.

OBJECTIVES: We examined the relationships of the state-level alcohol policy environment and policy subgroups with individual-level binge drinking measures. METHODS: We used generalized estimating equations regression models to relate the alcohol policy environment based on data from 29 policies in US states from 2004 to 2009 to 3 binge drinking measures in adults from the 2005 to 2010 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System surveys. RESULTS: A 10 percentage point higher alcohol policy environment score, which reflected increased policy effectiveness and implementation, was associated with an 8% lower adjusted odds of binge drinking and binge drinking 5 or more times, and a 10% lower adjusted odds of consuming 10 or more drinks. Policies that targeted the general population rather than the underage population, alcohol consumption rather than impaired driving, and raising the price or reducing the availability of alcohol had the strongest independent associations with reduced binge drinking. Alcohol taxes and outlet density accounted for approximately half of the effect magnitude observed for all policies. CONCLUSIONS: A small number of policies that raised alcohol prices and reduced its availability appeared to affect binge drinking.

Patterns of change in implementation of state alcohol control policies in the United States, 1999-2011.

AIMS: To examine state alcohol control policy implementation by policy efficacy and intent. DESIGN: A descriptive longitudinal analysis of policy implementation. SETTING: The United States, 1999-2011. PARTICIPANTS: Fifty states and the District of Columbia. MEASUREMENTS: Twenty-nine state-level policies were rated based on an implementation rating (IR; range = 0.0-1.0) gathered from the Alcohol Policy Information System, government and industry reports and other sources; and expert judgment about policy efficacy for addressing binge drinking and alcohol-impaired driving among the general population and youth, respectively. FINDINGS: On average, implementation of the most effective general population policies did not change [mean IR = 0.366 in 1999; 0.375 in 2011; slope for annual change = 0.001; 95% confidence interval (CI) for the slope -0.001, 0.002]. In contrast, implementation increased over time for less effective policies (mean IR = 0.287 in 1999; 0.427 in 2011; slope for annual change compared with most effective policies = 0.009; slope 95% CI = 0.002-0.007), for youth-oriented policies (mean IR = 0.424 in 1999; 0.511 in 2011; slope for annual change compared with most effective policies = 0.007; slope 95% CI = 0.005-0.009), and for impaired driving policies (mean IR = 0.493 in 1999; 0.608 in 2011; slope for annual change compared with most effective policies = 0.0105; slope 95% CI = 0.007-0.014). CONCLUSIONS: Implementation of politically palatable state alcohol policies, such as those targeting youth and alcohol-impaired driving, and less effective policies increased during 1999-2011 in the United States, while the most effective policies that may maximally protect public health remained underused.

The relationship between alcohol taxes and binge drinking: evaluating new tax measures incorporating multiple tax and beverage types.

AIMS: U.S. studies contribute heavily to the literature about the tax elasticity of demand for alcohol, and most U.S. studies have relied upon specific excise (volume-based) taxes for beer as a proxy for alcohol taxes. The purpose of this paper was to compare this conventional alcohol tax measure with more comprehensive tax measures (incorporating multiple tax and beverage types) in analyses of the relationship between alcohol taxes and adult binge drinking prevalence in U.S. states. DESIGN: Data on U.S. state excise, ad valorem and sales taxes from 2001 to 2010 were obtained from the Alcohol Policy Information System and other sources. For 510 state-year strata, we developed a series of weighted tax-per-drink measures that incorporated various combinations of tax and beverage types, and related these measures to state-level adult binge drinking prevalence data from the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System surveys. FINDINGS: In analyses pooled across all years, models using the combined tax measure explained approximately 20% of state binge drinking prevalence, and documented more negative tax elasticity (-0.09, P = 0.02 versus -0.005, P = 0.63) and price elasticity (-1.40, P < 0.01 versus -0.76, P = 0.15) compared with models using only the volume-based tax. In analyses stratified by year, the R-squares for models using the beer combined tax measure were stable across the study period (P = 0.11), while the R-squares for models rely only on volume-based tax declined (P < 0.0). CONCLUSIONS: Compared with volume-based tax measures, combined tax measures (i.e. those incorporating volume-based tax and value-based taxes) yield substantial improvement in model fit and find more negative tax elasticity and price elasticity predicting adult binge drinking prevalence in U.S. states.